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Tom Nichols, a US professor and academic specialist on international affairs, came across a tweet that urged Twitterati to share their controversial food opi. We would like to show you a description here but the site won’t allow us.

Born
Thomas M. Nichols

December 7, 1960 (age 60)
NationalityAmerican
TitleProfessor of National Security Affairs[1]
Academic background
Alma materBoston University (BA)
Columbia University (MA)
Georgetown University (PhD)
Academic work
InstitutionsU.S. Naval War College, Harvard University, La Salle University, Dartmouth College, Georgetown University

Thomas M. Nichols (born December 7, 1960) is an academic specialist on international affairs, currently a professor at the U.S. Naval War College and at the Harvard Extension School. His work deals with issues involving Russia, nuclear weapons, and national security affairs. He was previously a fellow at the Center for Strategic and International Studies, the Carnegie Council for Ethics in International Affairs, and the John F. Kennedy School of Government at Harvard University.[2]

Early life and education[edit]

Thomas M. Nichols grew up in Chicopee, Massachusetts.[3] He has stated in a speech at The Heritage Foundation that he did not come from an educated family, and his parents were 'both Depression era kids who dropped out of college.'[4] Nichols is an undefeated five-time Jeopardy! champion[5] and was, at one time, one of the game's all-time top players.[6]

Nichols has a BA degree in political science from Boston University; a MA degree in political science from Columbia University;[7] and a Ph.D. in government from Georgetown University.[5][7] He also holds a certificate from the Harriman Institute of Columbia University.[7]

Career[edit]

Nichols taught international relations as well as Soviet and Russian Affairs at Dartmouth College and Georgetown University.[4][7] He was also a fellow in the International Security Program at the Harvard Kennedy School.[4] Nichols was the Chairman of National Security Affairs at the U.S. Naval War College where he also held the Forrest Sherman Chair of Public Diplomacy.[4][7] Nichols is a former Secretary of the Navy Fellow[4] and also a fellow in the International Security Program and the Project on Managing the Atom at the Harvard Kennedy School.[7]

He taught as an associate professor at Dartmouth College in 1996, where he taught comparative politics and Russian affairs in the Department of Government.[8] He began teaching on at the Harvard Extension School in 2005 and has taught courses on nuclear weapons, the Cold War, and national security issues.[8]

In 2011, Nichols was named a Fellow at the John F. Kennedy School of Government at Harvard University.[8] During this time he began working on a book on nuclear strategy, which was later published in 2014 as No Use: Nuclear Weapons and US National Security.[8] The book is an analysis of American nuclear weapons policies possible reforms to the United States nuclear strategy.[7]

Nichols was awarded the Petra T. Shattuck Excellence in Teaching Award from the Harvard Extension School in 2012.[7]

NicholsNichols

In 2016, along with former United States Secretary of DefenseWilliam Perry, Nichols was one of nine named as the first professors in the USAF School of Strategic Force Studies.[8] He specialized in nuclear deterrence issues.[8]

As of 2019, Nichols is a professor in the Department of National Security Affairs at the U.S. Naval War College,[7][8] while also teaching courses as an adjunct professor at the Harvard Extension School.[4][5][7] He is additionally a Senior Associate of the Carnegie Council for Ethics in International Affairs in New York City.[4]

In 1988, Nichols served in the United States Senate as Personal Staff for Defense and Security Affairs for Senator John Heinz.[4][7][8]

Awards[edit]

  • Petra T. Shattuck Excellence in Teaching Award from Harvard Extension School (2012)[7]
  • Navy Meritorious Civilian Service Award.[7]

Politics[edit]

Nichols describes himself as a Never Trump conservative.[9] During the 2016 presidential campaign, Nichols argued that conservatives should vote for Hillary Clinton, whom he detested, because Trump was 'too mentally unstable' to serve as commander-in-chief.[10] Nichols continued that argument for the 2018 midterm elections.[11]

After the confirmation of Brett Kavanaugh to the Supreme Court of the United States, Nichols announced on October 7, 2018, that he would leave the Republican Party and become an independent and claimed that Senator Susan Collins's yes vote on the confirmation convinced him that the Republican Party exists to exercise raw political power.[12] He also criticized the Democratic Party for being 'torn between totalitarian instincts on one side and complete political malpractice on the other' and said that the party's behavior during the Kavanaugh hearings, with the exception of Senators Chris Coons, Sheldon Whitehouse and Amy Klobuchar, was execrable but that the Republicans have become a threat to the rule of law and to constitutional norms.[12]

In an opinion column, Nichols cited the Mueller Report to argue that Trump failed in his role as a citizen and then as commander-in-chief by not doing more to prevent and punish the Russian interference in the 2016 presidential election.[13]

Publications[edit]

Books[edit]

  • The Sacred Cause: Civil-Military Conflict over Soviet National Security, 1917-1992 (1993, Cornell University Press) ISBN0801427746
  • The Russian Presidency: Society and Politics in the Second Russian Republic (1999, Palgrave Macmillan) ISBN0312293372
  • Winning the World: Lessons for America's Future from the Cold War (2002, Praeger) ISBN0275966631
  • Eve of Destruction: The Coming Age of Preventive War (2008, University of Pennsylvania Press) ISBN0812240669
  • Tactical Nuclear Weapons and NATO, (co-editor) (2012, Military Bookshop) ISBN1584875259
  • No Use: Nuclear Weapons and U.S. National Security (2013, University of Pennsylvania Press) ISBN0812245660
  • The Death of Expertise: The Campaign Against Established Knowledge and Why it Matters (2017, Oxford University Press) ISBN0190469412, a study of why people mistrust established knowledge and how this damages democratic stability.
  • Our Own Worst Enemy: The Assault From Within on Modern Democracy (2020, Oxford University Press) ISBN0197518877

See also[edit]

Twitter Radiofreetom

References[edit]

  1. ^'About Tom, tomnichols.net'. Retrieved 2018-10-08.
  2. ^The Federalist.
  3. ^https://twitter.com/RadioFreeTom/status/1114958117308178433
  4. ^ abcdefghNichols 2017.
  5. ^ abcWashington Post Education Forum.
  6. ^J! Archive.
  7. ^ abcdefghijklmHarvard University.
  8. ^ abcdefghU.S. Naval War College.
  9. ^'Never-Trump Confidential'. New York Times. July 18, 1016.
  10. ^Kennedy, Dan (February 6, 2017). 'Some calming thoughts on Trump coverage from a #NeverTrump conservative'. Media Nation. Retrieved February 6, 2017.
  11. ^Tom Nichols (September 4, 2018). 'Want to save the GOP, Republicans? Vote for every Democrat on this year's ballot'. WashingtonPost.com. Retrieved September 4, 2018.
  12. ^ abNichols, Tom (2018-10-07). 'Why I'm Leaving the Republican Party'. The Atlantic. Retrieved 2018-10-07.
  13. ^Nichols, Tom. 'Mueller report: Donald Trump failed us as commander in chief'. Retrieved May 24, 2019.

Bibliography[edit]

  • Nichols, Tom (March 31, 2017). Tom Nichols Discusses the Death of Expertise (Speech). The Heritage Foundation. Washington,DC: The Heritage Foundation. Retrieved February 4, 2019.
  • 'Education Policy Panel'. C-Span. January 18, 2019. Retrieved February 5, 2019.
  • 'Tom Nichols'. The Federalist. Retrieved June 17, 2015.
  • 'Thomas M. Nichols'. Harvard University. 2017-06-12. Retrieved February 6, 2019.
  • 'Tom Nichols'. J! Archive. Retrieved February 6, 2017.
  • 'Thomas M. Nichols, Ph.D.' U.S. Naval War College. Retrieved February 6, 2019.
  • The Death of Expertise (product description). Oxford University Press. 2017. ISBN9780190469412. Retrieved February 15, 2017.

External links[edit]

  • Tom Nichols at IMDb
Twitter
Retrieved from 'https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Tom_Nichols_(academic)&oldid=1018363600'

On October 14, 1962, an American U-2 spy plane flew over Cuba and took hundreds of pictures of military installations on the island. The next day, the CIA determined that these bases were actually nuclear-missile sites, set up under our noses by the Soviet Union and discovered by pure luck.

On October 22, President John F. Kennedy enacted a blockade around Cuba and addressed the nation, and the world, on television, saying he was ready to take military action if necessary. The next day, he raised the U.S. military’s alert status to DEFCON 2, one step short of actual nuclear war. The Cuban missile crisis was under way.

Over the next few days, tensions between the United States and the Soviet Union heightened. The U.S.S.R. conducted demonstrative aboveground nuclear tests, and Soviet submarine commanders, on their way to Cuba, were authorized to use nuclear torpedoes at sea. At one point, Kennedy estimated the odds of a nuclear holocaust at “somewhere between one in three and even.”

By October 28, the Soviet ships had turned back, and the U.S.S.R. had pledged to remove the missiles from Cuba. The U.S. had agreed not to invade Cuba and to remove missiles from Turkey. From the time Kennedy went public to the end of the crisis was a mere six days.

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Donald Trump still has 11 days in office.

Article II of the Constitution vests full executive power in the president, including the post of commander in chief of the armed forces. Since World War II, this has included the power to use nuclear arms—“the president’s weapons,” as nukes are called in the defense community—without contradiction or countermanding.

No special exception limits the actions of lame-duck presidents. Trump will have the full panoply of his powers right up until noon on January 20. After the storming of the U.S. Capitol, even these final few days are too much of a risk to endure.

Trump is an unstable and desperate man who has incited violence against the government of the United States. He cannot be trusted with the keys to Armageddon, and so he must be removed by any legal and constitutional means available.

Since the insurrection on Wednesday, Trump has tried in his diffident and childlike way to calm the waters with a weak statement acknowledging Joe Biden’s win, an acceptance Trump apparently sees as a gracious willingness to compromise after his initial seditious insistence on fighting to the end. This change in tone, however, was merely Trump following his usual pattern, in which he says something horrifying, panics his staff—and his lawyers—and then is pushed out in front of the cameras to say he didn’t really mean any of it, while he winks and indicates that he meant every word of it.

And sure enough, just hours after his grudging act of contrition, Trump was back on Twitter with an all-caps exhortation to his followers to take him both seriously and literally. “The 75,000,000 great American Patriots who voted for me, AMERICA FIRST, and MAKE AMERICA GREAT AGAIN,” he tapped out furiously, “will have a GIANT VOICE long into the future. They will not be disrespected or treated unfairly in any way, shape or form!!!”

And in case anyone was in doubt about yet another “new tone” or “presidential pivot,” Trump added one more tweet: “To all of those who have asked, I will not be going to the Inauguration on January 20th.” (On Friday evening, Twitter permanently suspended the president’s account.) As my colleague David Frum has noted, Trump has finally ended the unbroken streak of peaceful transitions of power in the United States.

Tom Nichols Radiofreetom Twitter

Mere spite, however, is not enough reason to remove Trump. He is willing to instigate violence against his own citizens and the other branches of government, an emotional condition that is an obvious case for invoking the Twenty-Fifth Amendment. Unfortunately, Vice President Mike Pence has resisted this move so resolutely that he refused to answer a call from the speaker of the House and the Senate minority leader.

Congressional Republicans, for their part, are resisting calls to remove Trump, arguing instead that we should all just clench our teeth and tough it out. Speaker Nancy Pelosi, meanwhile, has called for impeachment if Trump does not resign. But she has also told her caucus that she has spoken with the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff to “discuss available precautions for preventing an unstable president from initiating military hostilities or accessing the launch codes and ordering a nuclear strike.”

This move is flatly unconstitutional. Pelosi has the right to ask questions as part of Congress's oversight, but she does not have the right to ask for options to circumvent the president's Article II powers. This is an unhealthy signal to the executive branch, and especially to the military, intelligence, and justice communities, to ignore the elected president and to function without an authority in power until Biden arrives.

This circumvention of the Constitution happened once before, albeit by a Cabinet officer rather than at the behest of a legislator. When Richard Nixon was in his final agony, rumored to be drinking heavily and having conversations with the portraits in the White House, Senator Alan Cranston phoned Defense Secretary James Schlesinger to warn about “the need for keeping a berserk president from plunging us into a holocaust.” Schlesinger told the U.S. military that any “unusual orders”—such as using nuclear weapons—should be verified by him or Secretary of State Henry Kissinger. What we didn’t know at the time was that the Soviet leader, Leonid Brezhnev, was in worse shape than Nixon. His health was failing, and he was addicted to sleeping pills. In October 1973, perhaps gambling that Nixon was too compromised to respond, Brezhnev threatened to send troops to the Arab-Israeli War then under way. Kissinger and the chairman of the Joint Chiefs, Thomas Moorer, decided to act. They issued a worldwide military alert—including elevating the ready status of U.S. nuclear forces—on the night of October 24.

Tom Nichols Twitter Led Zeppelin

The Soviets backed down. But it could have ended very differently.

Tw Radiofreetom

We can’t keep hoping for the best or relying on those not in charge to keep Trump in line. Even one day more is too long for him to be in the White House. We escaped disaster over just a few days in 1962 and in the dark of an autumn night in 1973. Peace was kept, in part, by the presence of steady professionals such as Schlesinger and the Kennedy team, the likes of whom are nowhere to be found in Trump’s Washington.

Tom Nichols (@radiofreetom) Twitter

We no longer have a margin for error. A second impeachment is the only reliable solution, and it should take place immediately.